【（1-5）《经济学人》中英对照】

TEXT 1 Rebuilding the American dream machine 重建美国梦机器 Jan 19th 2006 | NEW YORK From The Economist print edition FOR America's colleges, January is a month of reckoning. Most applications for the next academic year beginning in the autumn have to be made by the end of December, so a university's popularity is put to an objective standard: how many people want to attend. One of the more unlikely offices to have been flooded with mail is that of the City University of New York (CUNY), a public college that lacks, among other things, a famous sports team, bucolic campuses and raucous parties (it doesn't even have dorms), and, until recently, academic credibility. 对美国的大学而言，一月是一个清算的月份。大多数要进入将于秋季开学的下一学年学习的申请必须在12月底前完成，因此一所大学的声望就有了客观依据：申请人的多少。纽约城市大学，一所公立学院，与其他学校相比，它没有一支声名显赫的运动队，没有田园诗一般的校园，也没有喧嚣嘈杂的派对——甚至连宿舍都没有，而且，直到最近也没取得学术上的可信度，可就是这所大学的办公室塞满了学生们寄来的申请函，这简直有些令人难以置信。

A primary draw at CUNY is a programme for particularly clever students, launched in 2001. Some 1,100 of the 60,000 students at CUNY's five top schools receive a rare thing in the costly world of American colleges: free education. Those accepted by CUNY's honours programme pay no tuition fees; instead they receive a stipend of $7,500 (to help with general expenses) and a laptop computer. Applications for early admissions into next year's programme are up 70%. 城市大学主要吸引人的地方在于它为从2001年开始为聪明过人的学生所设立的培养计划。6万名城市大学的五所顶尖学院学生中，约有1100人能得到“免费教育”，这在花费巨大的美国大学界可是一件稀罕事。被纳入城市大学荣誉计划的学生无需支付学费，相反，他们还获得一份7500美元的定期生活津贴（用于补助日常开销）以及一本笔记本电脑。这所学校申请尽早被批准进入下一学年计划的学生达到了70%。

Admission has nothing to do with being an athlete, or a child of an alumnus, or having an influential sponsor, or being a member of a particularly aggrieved ethnic group—criteria that are increasingly important at America's elite colleges. Most of the students who apply to the honours programme come from relatively poor families, many of them immigrant ones. All that CUNY demands is that these students be diligent and clever. 批准与否跟学生是不是一名运动员，或者是不是校友子弟，或者有没有颇具影响力的后台，或者是不是某个爱打抱不平的民族社团成员，都毫无干系——而这些在美国的知名学府中已经日益成为重要标准。申请加入荣誉计划的学生大多数来自相对贫困的家庭，其中许多人都是移民。城市大学唯一需要的就是这些学生必须勤奋并且聪颖。

Last year, the average standardised test score of this group was in the top 7% in the country. Among the rest of CUNY's students averages are lower, but they are now just breaking into the top third (compared with the bottom third in 1997). CUNY does not appear alongside Harvard and Stanford on lists of America's top colleges, but its recent transformation offers a neat parable of meritocracy revisited. 去年，城市大学学生的标准化考试平均分位居全美最高分的7%之列。城市大学其他学生平均分较低，但是他们即将冲进前三名（相比1997年的倒数前三名）。城市大学无法与哈佛和斯坦福这样的美国顶尖学校比肩，然而他们新近的转变让我清楚地领略到实力主义的再现。（这一段请高手参详） Until the 1960s, a good case could be made that the best deal in American tertiary education was to be found not in Cambridge or Palo Alto, but in Harlem, at a small public school called City College, the core of CUNY. America's first free municipal university, founded in 1847, offered its services to everyone bright enough to meet its gruelling standards. 20世纪60年代以前，有一个很好的例子可以拿来说一说，那就是美国高等教育管理最好的并不在剑桥大学或者是Palo Alto大学，而是在哈莱姆（黑人住宅区），在一所名叫城市大学的公立学校里，也就是纽约城市大学的核心地。美国第一所市立免费大学创建于1847年，它为任何聪明才智足以应付其严格入学标准的人提供服务。

City's golden era came in the last century, when America's best known colleges restricted the number of Jewish students they would admit at exactly the time when New York was teeming with the bright children of poor Jewish immigrants. In 1933-54 City produced nine future Nobel laureates, including the 2005 winner for economics, Robert Aumann (who graduated in 1950); Hunter, its affiliated former women's college, produced two, and a sister branch in Brooklyn produced one. City educated Felix Frankfurter, a pivotal figure on the Supreme Court (class of 1902), Ira Gershwin (1918), Jonas Salk, the inventor of the polio vaccine (1934) and Robert Kahn, an architect of the internet (1960). A left-wing place in the 1930s and 1940s, City spawned many of the neo-conservative intellectuals who would later swing to the right, such as Irving Kristol (class of 1940, extra-curricular activity: anti-war club), Daniel Bell and Nathan Glazer. 城市大学的黄金时代开始于上个世纪，那时美国最知名的大学都限制犹太人学生入学，当时纽约到处都是贫苦的犹太移民的聪明孩子。1933年到1954年之间，城市大学培养出了9个后来获得诺贝尔奖的人，其中包括2005年经济学奖获得者罗伯特•奥曼（毕业于1950年）。城市大学前附属女子学院则培养出两名诺贝尔奖获得者，而其在布鲁克林的一所分校也培养出一名。城市大学还培养出了最高法院的关键人物费利克斯•法兰克福（1902届）、埃拉•格什温（1918届）、天花疫苗发明者乔纳斯•索尔克（1934届）以及互联网设计者罗伯特•卡恩（1960届）等人。20世纪三、四十年代，城市大学作为左翼分子活动区，城市大学孕育了许多新保守主义知识分子，他们后来都转向了右翼，比如欧文•克里斯托（1940届，校外活动积极分子，参加过反战俱乐部）、丹尼尔•贝尔和内森•格雷泽。

What went wrong? Put simply, City dropped its standards. It was partly to do with demography, partly to do with earnest muddleheadedness. In the 1960s, universities across the country faced intense pressure to admit more minority students. Although City was open to all races, only a small number of black and Hispanic students passed the strict tests (including a future secretary of state, Colin Powell). That, critics decided, could not be squared with City's mission to “serve all the citizens of New York”. At first the standards were tweaked, but this was not enough, and in 1969 massive student protests shut down City's campus for two weeks. Faced with upheaval, City scrapped its admissions standards altogether. By 1970, almost any student who graduated from New York's high schools could attend. 哪里出问题了呢？简单点说，就是城市大学降低了它的标准。这一部分与人口统计有关，一部分与憨头憨脑的热忱有关。20世纪60年代，全美的大学都面临着招收少数民族学生的强大压力。尽管城市大学对各色人种都敞开校门，但也只有少数黑人和拉丁美洲裔学生能通过严格的测试（其中包括后来成为国务卿的科林•鲍威尔）。持批评意见的人士断定，这不符合城市大学“服务于全纽约市民”的宗旨。起初，入学标准作了调整，但仍不够。1969年，学生大规模的抗议让城市大学停课两周。面对突如其来的变化，城市大学彻底废除了所有入学标准。到1970年，几乎所有纽约高等中学毕业的学生都可以进入城市大学学习。

The quality of education collapsed. At first, with no barrier to entry, enrolment climbed, but in 1976 the city of New York, which was then in effect bankrupt, forced CUNY to impose tuition fees. An era of free education was over, and a university which had once served such a distinct purpose joined the muddle of America's lower-end education. 可是，教育质量却因此骤然下降。一开始，由于没有入学限制，报名上学的人数不断攀升，但到了1976年，实际上已经陷入破产困境的纽约市，逼迫城市大学征收学费。免费教育的时代终结了，一所曾经有如此独特办学取向的大学从此成了美国低端教育的乌合之众。

By 1997, seven out of ten first-year students in the CUNY system were failing at least one remedial test in reading, writing or maths (meaning that they had not learnt it to high-school standard). A report commissioned by the city in 1999 concluded that “Central to CUNY's historic mission is a commitment to provide broad access, but its students' high drop-out rates and low graduation rates raise the question: ‘Access to what?’ ” 直到1997年，城市大学系统的新生十之有七未能通过阅读、写作和数学中至少一门加试（亦即他们还未达到高中标准）。1999年纽约市府发布的一项报告总结认为，“纽约城市大学历史性使命的核心是承担面对大众的教育义务，但是学生的高退学率和低毕业率引发了这样一个问题：‘提供什么教育？’”。

Using the report as ammunition, profound reforms were pushed through by New York's then mayor, Rudolph Giuliani, and another alumnus, Herman Badillo (1951), America's first Puerto Rican congressman. A new head of CUNY was appointed. Matthew Goldstein, a mathematician (1963), has shifted the focus back towards higher standards amid considerable controversy. 纽约市当时的市长鲁道夫•丘里安尼以及同样是城市大学校友（1951届）的美国第一名波多黎各裔议员赫尔曼•巴蒂洛，利用该报告为导火索，对城市大学进行了深入改革。一名新校长上任，他叫马修•高德斯坦，是一名数学家。他把争议的焦点重新引回到了更高的入学标准之上。

For instance, by 2001, all of CUNY's 11 “senior” colleges (ie, ones that offer full four-year courses) had stopped offering remedial education. This prompted howls from the teaching faculty, who said it would “create a ghetto-like separation between levels of colleges”, keeping black and Hispanic students out of the best schools. In fact, the racial composition of the senior schools, monitored obsessively by critics, has remained largely unchanged: one in four students at the senior colleges is black, one in five is Latino. A third have ties to Puerto Rico, Jamaica, China and the Dominican Republic. 例如，到2001年，所有城市大学的“高级学院”（亦即提供全部四年培养课程的学院）停止提供加试教育，随即引起了教师们的强烈不满，他们认为这将“造成学院不同水平学生之间如犹太人区一般的分裂”，并将黑人和拉丁美裔学生拒之门外。事实上，批评家们一直关注着，高级学院学生的种族构成大部分保持不变：高级学院学生中黑人占四分之一，拉丁美裔人占五分之一，还有三分之一是波多黎各、牙买加、中国和多米尼加人后裔。

Admissions standards have been raised. Students applying to CUNY's senior colleges now need respectable scores on either a national, state or CUNY test, and the admissions criteria for the honours programme are the toughest in the university's history. Contrary to what Mr Goldstein's critics predicted, higher standards have attracted more students, not fewer: this year, enrolment at CUNY is at a record high. There are also anecdotal signs that CUNY is once again picking up bright locals, especially in science. One advanced biology class at City now has twice as many students as it did in the late 1990s. Last year, two students, both born in the Soviet Union, won Rhodes scholarships, and a Bronx native who won the much sought-after Intel Science Prize is now in the honours programme. 入学标准提高了，申请进入城市大学高级学院学习的学生如今需要在全国、州或者城市大学考试中取得优异成绩，而荣誉计划的纳入标准则成为该大学有史以来最为严厉的一项标准。与高德斯坦先生预期的恰恰相反，更高的入学标准吸引了更多的学生，而非更少：今年，报名人数又创新高。也有小道消息称，城市大学正在再一次挑选聪明的当地居民，尤其是在科学方面。它的一门高级生物学目前上课人数是20世纪90年代末期的两倍。去年，两名均出生于前苏联的学生荣获罗兹奖学金(译者注：一个获得按塞西尔•罗兹的遗嘱设立的奖学金的学生，该奖允许他在牛津大学入学攻读两或三年的时期)，一名布朗克斯区（译者注：美国纽约市的行政区，位于曼哈顿北部大陆，纽约东南部。曾为荷兰西印度公司工作的一个丹麦人，琼纳斯•布朗克最早定居，该地区于1898年成为大纽约的一部分。）出生的学生则荣获许多人梦寐以求的因特尔科学奖，现已获准进入荣誉计划。

All this should not imply that CUNY is out of the woods. Much of it looks run down. CUNY's annual budget of $1.7 billion has stayed largely unchanged, even as student numbers have risen. With New York City's finances still precarious, city and state support for the university has fallen by more than one-third since 1991 in real terms. It has, however, begun to bring in private money. 如此种种，并不表示纽约城市大学已经走出泥潭。很多方面都在每况愈下。即便学生人数增加了，该大学每年17亿美元的预算仍未能得到较大改观。由于纽约市财政仍旧不稳定，市府和州府资助自1991年以来已经下降了超过三分之一。然而，学校已经开始从私人那里赚取资金。

A new journalism school will open in the autumn, helped by a $4m grant from the Sulzberger family, who control the New York Times, and led by Business Week's former editor, Steve Shepard (class of 1961). Efforts to raise a $1.2 billion endowment have passed the half-way mark, helped by (formerly estranged) alumni. Intel's former chairman, Andrew Grove, who graduated from City in 1960 as a penniless Hungarian immigrant, donated $26m (about 30% of City's operating budget) to the engineering school, calling his alma mater “a veritable American dream machine”. 由于得到《纽约时报》老板苏尔兹伯格家族400万美元的赞助，在《商业周刊》前任编辑史蒂夫•谢巴德（1961届学生）的牵头下，一所新办的新闻学院将于秋季开学。在一些校友（此前与学校较为疏远）的帮助下，募集12亿美元捐赠的行动已经成功了一半。1960年毕业、曾经身无分文的匈牙利移民、因特尔公司前任主席安德鲁•格罗夫向工程学院捐赠了2600万美元（约相当于大学预算的30%），并称赞他的母校是“一部真正的美国梦机器”。

There are broader lessons to draw from CUNY, especially to do with creating opportunities in higher education for the poor. Currently, only 3% of the students in America's top colleges come from families in the lowest income quartile and only 10% from the bottom half, according to a study by Anthony Carnevale and Stephen Rose for the Century Foundation. Most students are relatively well-off, and their numbers include plenty of racial minorities who receive preferential status independent of their economic circumstances. 纽约城市大学还有很多的经验值得我们学习，尤其是关于在高等教育中为穷人创造机遇方面。根据安东尼•卡内瓦和斯蒂芬•罗斯的一项“世纪基金”研究，目前美国顶尖大学的学生中仅有大约3%来自低收入家庭，而且仅有10%来自中等收入以下的家庭。大多数学生家境相对较好，其中包括许多不受经济条件约束、享受特权的许多少数民族学生。

For all its imperfections, CUNY's model of low tuition fees and high standards offers a different approach. And its recent history may help to dispel the myth that high academic standards deter students and donors. “Elitism”, Mr Goldstein contends, “is not a dirty word.” 对城市大学所有不完善的方面而言，它关于低学费和高标准的模式为我们展示了一个与众不同的教育方法，而且，该大学新近发展进程也许有助于打破这样一个谬论，那就是学校高标准会让学生以及捐助者们望而却步。高德斯坦先生坚持认为，“杰出人物统治论这个词并不难听。” TEXT 2 Here be dragons 龙来了 Jan 26th 2006 From The Economist print edition Google, the internet search engine that has grown into a corporate giant, began operations in China on January 25th. Though critics suggest it has betrayed its own motto - “don't be evil” - by agreeing to censor certain sites, Google maintains it will do more good than harm 已经成为公司巨人的国际互联网搜索引擎——Google，1月25日启动了在中国的业务。尽管评论家认为，Google违背了自己的箴言——“别干坏事”，因为它同意对一些特定的站点进行审查，但Google公司坚持认为这样一来将利大于弊。

IN 2001 human-rights activists in China crowed that a little-known search engine called Google was the most important tool ever created to skirt state censors. Users could retrieve content that Beijing banned by clicking to call up a “cached” copy of the web page, stored by Google. Soon, however, Google itself was being sporadically blocked. The firm was instructed to deactivate that particular feature, and for a short time its web address was even re-routed by Chinese network operators to the website of a local rival. 2001年，一种鲜为人知的、名叫Google的搜索引擎成为那时被用来避开国家审查的最重要工具。中国人权激进分子为此而幸灾乐祸。用户可以通过点击打开由Google存储的“缓冲存储”网页备份，从而重新获得被政府封杀的相关内容。不过，Google公司自己很快也被不定期关闭。该公司接到通知，要求它取消那种特定功能，并且中国网络运营者甚至曾一度将该公司的网址链接改到一家中国本地搜索引擎（google的竞争对手）上。

The continual cat-and-mouse game ended this week when Google, now a corporate giant, entered the dragon’s den. On January 25th the search engine “Google.cn” began operations. It is a first step towards beefing up the company’s local presence, which will also mean placing computer-servers in the country. This will speed up service for mainland users, who otherwise must penetrate the great firewall of China, which dramatically slows down access to Google.com. 本周，当现已成为公司巨人的Google进入了“中国龙潭”，长久以来的猫捉老鼠游戏也就结束了。1月25日，中文搜索引擎“Google.cn”开始运行。这是公司为加强本地化实力所迈出的第一步，也意味着公司即将把计算机服务器放到中国了，如此一来可以加快为中国大陆用户的服务速度，此外也必然会穿越中国巨大的防火墙——这面防火墙大大减慢了用户登录Google的速度。

Having local infrastructure gives an advantage to Google’s search-engine rivals, such as China’s Baidu.com (which enjoys around 40% of the Chinese search market, compared with Google’s 30%), and Yahoo! and Microsoft’s MSN, which have local Chinese operations. China’s internet market, with more than 100m users, is one of the fastest-growing and most lucrative in the world. Can Google—with its motto “don’t be evil”—do business in China without betraying its soul? 中国地方政府部门倾向于支持Google在搜索引擎方面的竞争对手，比如中国百度（大约占中国搜索业市场的40%份额，而Google为30%），以及在中国内地都有业务的雅虎、微软的MSN。拥有1亿用户的中国互联网市场是全球发展最快、最富利润的市场之一。以“别干坏事”自诫的Google公司，用不着自食其言，能在中国做成生意吗？ The company is making a concerted effort to do just that. It has reached an agreement with the Chinese authorities that allows it to disclose to users, at the bottom of a list of search results, whether information has been withheld. This is similar to what the company does in other countries where it faces content restrictions, such as France and Germany (where Nazi sites are banned), and America (where it removes material that is suspected of copyright infringement). Although the disclosure is more prominent on these western sites, putting such a message on its Chinese site is an important step towards transparency and, furthermore, is something its rivals do not do. Google公司正齐心协力，就是为了“自食其言”。他们已经与中国政府达成共识，允许其搜索结果列表底部信息向用户开放，无论是否属于禁止范围。这类似于该公司在其他一些同样面临内容限制的国家中的做法，比如法国和德国（禁止纳粹站点）以及美国（疑似侵犯版权的有关材料将被删除）。尽管在这些西方国家信息公开化要更为突出，但在Google中国站点上出现这一讯息是其向透明化迈出的重要一步，更为甚者，这也是某种其中国对手无法办到的事情。

Furthermore, Google is tiptoeing into the country with only a handful of services. It is not offering e-mail, blogging or social-networking services, because it worries that it will not be able to ensure users’ privacy. It wishes to avoid the situation in which MSN and Yahoo! find themselves, whereby they are forced to obey the Chinese government’s orders in censoring content and revealing users’ identities. Rather than be placed in a position where it may have to compromise its values, Google instead is narrowing what it offers (although its news service will contain only government-approved media sources). 而且，Google只须提供很有限的服务，就悄悄地进入了中国市场。由于担心无法确保可以保护用户隐私，该公司并不提供电子邮件、博客以及社交网络服务。Google公司希望自己不会落入MSN和雅虎如今的境地——这两家公司不得不遵守中国政府关于内容审查和泄露用户身份方面的规定。Google公司目前的处境并不损及其自身利益，相反还缩减了支出费用（虽然其提供的新闻服务内容来源仅限于政府认可的新闻媒体）。

Google believes that entering China, even with restraints on content, lets it offer more information than if it remained outside. Yet the decision comes as American internet firms such as Yahoo! and MSN duck criticism that they are complicit with the Chinese authorities. Google相信，进入中国，无论诸多内容限制，仍令其能提供比以往更多的信息。不过，当雅虎、MSN这些美国互联网公司纷纷回避那些指责他们与中国政府串通一气的言论时，Google公司终于下了决心。

Meanwhile in America For Google, taking the higher road happens to also be a way to differentiate its service. This month America’s Department of Justice went to court to force Google to comply with a subpoena seeking more than 1m web addresses and a weeks’ worth of all users’ searches (down from an original demand of every web address it holds and two months of searches), albeit without any information that would identify individual users. The government wants the data in order to examine the effectiveness of software filters to block pornography, for a case involving a law prohibiting the content, which the Supreme Court ruled unconstitutional. 美国国内反响 对于Google而言，向更高目标进发恰好也是一种让服务多样化的途径。1月，美国司法部通过法庭勒令Google公司履行之前法院发出的传票，提供一百多万个网址以及所有用户数周的使用搜索引擎记录（亦即……和两个月的搜索情况），不过不需要确认个人用户身份的相关信息。美政府之所以要这些数据，是想要检验一下打击网络色情的软件滤过性能， The government requested, and received, information from Yahoo!, MSN and AOL—all of which initially stonewalled about whether they disclosed the data. Yet Google resisted, arguing that “acceding to the request would suggest it is willing to reveal information about those who use its services. This is not a perception that Google can accept.” The day the subpoena was made public, Google’s shares dropped almost 9%, its largest single-day decline since it began trading in 2004. 美政府要求并业已收到了来自雅虎、MSN以及AOL提交的材料，这些公司起初对是否公布有关数据有些举棋不定。不过，Google公司最终还是予以了拒绝，并称“谁要是同意按要求去做，就表面谁愿意泄露其用户的隐私。Google对此感到不可思议。”传票公布于众的当天，Google的股价几乎下跌了9%，创下2004年上市以来最大单日跌幅。

Google’s stance could put commercial pressure on its rivals to adopt more customer-friendly policies, and may serve as a warning to other internet firms to treat customers’ data with more care. Yet such high-mindedness will be tested as Google enters China. Keeping its options open, the company is not shutting down the Chinese-language version of Google.com. It will remain available, for those willing to wait a bit longer for their uncensored search results. 从商业上看，Google公司这一态度有可能迫使其竞争对手采取更有益于用户的政策，并且会提醒其他互联网公司在对待用户数据时要更为谨慎。然而，在Google进驻中国后，它的这种高尚品格将受到考验。Google并未关闭Google.com的中文界面，仍然保持着其可选性，如此一来，对于那些想搜索到未经审查的信息而宁愿网速慢一些的用户而言，仍然有路可寻。

TEXT 3 Food firms and fat-fighters 食品公司与减肥斗士 Feb 9th 2006 From The Economist Global Agenda Five leading food companies have introduced a labelling scheme for their products in the British market, in an attempt to assuage critics who say they encourage obesity. But consumer groups are unhappy all the same. Is the food industry, like tobacco before it, about to be *engulfed[1] by a wave of lawsuits brought on health grounds? 五家业内领先的食品公司采取了一项方案，就是在其投入英国市场的食品上作出标注，力图堵住那些说他们鼓励肥胖的批评人士的嘴。不过，消费者团体仍然不开心。食品业会像之前的烟草一样，被卷入一场关乎健康的诉讼之中吗？ KEEPING fit requires a combination of healthy eating and regular exercise. On the second of these at least, the world’s food companies can claim to be setting a good example: they have been working up quite a sweat in their attempts to fend off assaults by governments, consumer groups and lawyers who accuse them of peddling products that encourage obesity. This week saw the unveiling of another industry initiative: five leading food producers—Danone, Kellogg, Nestlé, Kraft and PepsiCo—introduced a labelling scheme for the British market which will show “guideline daily amounts” for calories, fats, sugar and salt on packaging. The new labels will start to appear on the firms’ crisps, chocolate bars, cheese slices *and the like[2] over the next few months. A number of other food giants, such as Cadbury Schweppes and Masterfoods, have already started putting guideline labels on their products. 将健康的饮食习惯和经常性的锻炼二者结合才可以让身体保持健康。至少就第二点而言，全球的食品公司可以说是树立了一个很好的典范：为了避开政府、消费者团体以及律师们的抨击——指责食品公司四处兜售促进肥胖的产品，他们已经累得大汗淋漓了。本周，食品业的另一举措也公诸于世：五家业内领先的食品厂商——Danone, Kellogg, Nestlé, Kraft以及PepsiCo——在英国市场实施了一项商品标注计划，即在包装上标明卡路里（热量）、脂肪、糖和盐的“每日摄入量指南”。在接下来的几个月里，这些食品公司的土豆条、巧克力棒、干酪片等等包装上将开始出现这类新标注。其它许多食品业巨头如Cadbury Schweppes 和Masterfoods也已经着手在其产品上加入指导性标记。

The food companies say doing this will empower consumers, allowing them to make informed decisions about which foods are healthy. （1）But consumer groups have cried foul. They point out that the Food Standards Agency, a government watchdog, is due to recommend a different type of labelling scheme next month: a “traffic light” system using colours to tell consumers whether products have low, medium or high levels of fat, salt and the like. The food firms, they say, have rushed to introduce their own, fuzzier guidelines first in a cynical attempt to undermine the government’s plan—which they fear might hurt their sales. In consumer tests, the traffic light performed better than rival labelling schemes. 这些食品公司说，这么做可以让消费者在确定何种食品为健康食品时心知肚明。但是消费者团体大声疾呼食品公司此举纯属犯规，他们指出，作为政府监督机构，食品标准局应该在下个月推出一项不同的标注措施——“红绿灯”方法，亦即应用不同颜色，提醒消费者食品的脂肪、糖、盐分等含量是低、中等还是高。他们说，食品公司突然率先采用他们自定的那些模糊指南，是对政府计划的恣意破坏，他们害怕政府的计划会让他们的产品卖不出去。对消费者进行调查后显示，“红绿灯”方法比食品公司的标注方案效果要好。

Nevertheless, the food companies argue that the traffic-light system is too simplistic and likely to scare people away from certain products that are fine if consumed in moderation, or in conjunction with plenty of exercise—which most observers, including the medical profession, agree is crucial for anyone wanting to stay in shape. They also point out that they have competitors to worry about—namely the big supermarket chains with their own-label products. Last April, Tesco, the biggest of these, announced that it was rejecting the traffic-light system in favour of a less stark “signposting” approach. Its rivals fear that adopting colour-coding could put them at a competitive disadvantage. 然而，食品公司辩称，“红绿灯”方法过于简单，某些产品会因此吓跑消费者，而这些产品如果食用适量或者结合充分锻炼，对人都是十分有益的，而且包括医学专家在内的大多数观察人士都认为，这些食品对于任何想要保持好体形的人而言都至关重要。同时，他们还指出，他们要顾及一些竞争者，也就是那些对产品加上各自标注的大型超市连锁店的做法。去年四月，最大一家超市连锁店Tesco宣布，他们反对采用“红绿灯”方法，取而代之的是一种更为灵活的“路标”法。因此，食品公司担心，若采用颜色编码（也就是红绿灯法），会令他们在竞争中处于劣势。

Better labelling has become an important weapon of the food giants’ armoury as they fight back against their critics. In October 2005 McDonald’s, the world’s largest fast-food company, said it would start printing nutritional facts on the packaging of its burgers and fries, including the fat, salt, calorie and carbohydrate content. Before that, information about （2）big-sellers such as the Big Mac, which contains 30g of fat, could only be found on the firm’s website or in leaflets. 在食品业巨头们回击批评意见的过程中，更好的标注方式已经成为他们“武器库”中的一个“杀手锏”。2005年10月1日，世界最大快餐公司麦当劳称，公司将在汉堡包和炸薯条包装上印上营养常识，包括脂肪、盐分、热量以及碳水化合物含量。此前，人们只能从食品公司的网站或宣传品上看到一些销路好的食品有关信息，比如含有30克脂肪的Big Mac。

But labelling is not enough; the food firms know they must also offer healthier fare. McDonald's has introduced salads and fruit to its menus. Kraft and others have brought out low-carbohydrate ranges. Last year, McDonald’s even announced a sporty makeover for Ronald McDonald, its mascot clown, in a bid to encourage children to be more active. But some in the industry suspect that consumers are keener on seeing （3）lighter, healthier meals on the menu than they are on actually buying and eating them; such products are not what the industry calls “（4）business builders”. That said, some of Nestlé’s more nutritional products, like its PowerBar range for athletes, enjoy higher margins and growth than its traditional fare. 不过，标注还不够；
食品公司清楚，他们还必须生产出更加健康的食品。麦当劳公司已将沙拉和水果引入了它的点餐单之中，Kraft跟其它公司也制造出了一系列低碳水化合物食品。去年，麦当劳甚至还宣布要对它的小丑吉祥物——麦当劳叔叔进行翻新改造，使其具有运动型外表，以鼓励孩子们更为活泼。但是某些业内人士对此提出质疑，认为消费者更渴望在点餐单上看到不加色素、比较健康的膳食，而不会真地去买来吃；
这类食品并非是产业中所谓的“商业增洁剂”。这么说来，雀巢公司生产的某些更富营养的食品，比如运动员专用的PowerBar系列，要比其传统食品能带来更高的利润及增长。

Wobbling all over the world 全球食品业正经受震荡 The pressure on the industry is most acute in America, which leads the world in obesity. The proportion of Americans characterised as overweight has risen steadily from 47% (（5）bad enough in itself) in the late 1970s to around two-thirds, including over 30% who are clinically obese. Fast-food chains’ American sales grew from about $6 billion in 1970 to an estimated $134 billion in 2005. Eric Schlosser, author of “Fast Food Nation”, an influential book attacking the industry, has pointed out that Americans spend more on fast food than they do on higher education, PCs or new cars—worrying, when a single meal at a KFC of less than a pound-weight of food plus a large Pepsi can top 1,600 calories, not far short of the daily intake recommended by the government for adults doing only “light physical activity”. 肥胖人数居世界首位的美国食品业承受的压力最大。上世纪70年代末期，美国人中超重人口所占比例从47%（这个数字本身已经糟糕透了）逐步增长到大约三分之二，其中包括30%以上临床肥胖症患者，而美国快餐连锁店的销售额则从1970年的60亿美元增加到2005年的大约1340亿美元。旨在抨击快餐业、颇具影响力的《快餐国度》一书作者埃里克•施罗瑟曾指出，美国人吃快餐花的钱要比花在高等教育、个人电脑或者买新汽车上的钱多。令他感到担忧的是，在肯德基快餐店光吃一顿不到一磅重的餐点，再喝一大杯百事可乐，摄入热量就可能超过1600卡路里，这比美国政府为仅从事“轻度体力活动”的成人所推荐的每日摄取量并不低多少。（言下之意，一餐就摄取如此多热量，况乎一日三餐？） （6）Where the United States leads, others are following. In the European Union, up to 27% of men are considered to be obese, and almost a quarter of all children are deemed overweight. Britain, with its love of burgers and packaged meals, is seen as following closest on America’s heels, but the rate of obesity has started to swell on the continent too. Some 11% of the adult population of France were obese in 2003, up from 8% in 1997 (the actual level may be higher still since the figures are based on polls asking people if they are fat, and （7）self-reporting produces underestimates). France has *latched on to[3] the fast-food culture: it is one of the biggest and most profitable European markets for McDonald’s. 凡是有美国带头的地方，别国都会亦步亦趋。在欧盟国家，高达27%的男性被认为患有肥胖症，几乎四分之一的儿童则被认为体重超常。爱吃汉堡包和打包食物的英国被看作是跟美国最贴近的“跟屁虫”，不过其“肥胖队伍”同样开始日益壮大。在法国，成人患肥胖症的比率从1997年的8%一下子增加到2003年的11%（由于统计数主要基于问卷调查，因此实际水平可能更高——自己说自己的情况往往导致低估实际水平嘛）。法国已经领悟了快餐文化的真谛：它就是麦当劳公司在欧洲最大、最赚钱的市场之一。

No wonder, then, that the past few years have been bad for food companies (8)in image terms—and terrible for the fast-food lot. Attacks on the industry have changed the psychological climate in which it operates, and they may yet change the legislative climate too. So far, lawsuits brought on health-and-safety grounds have been more of a warning than a general threat. In 2003 a New York judge dismissed a lawsuit claiming that McDonald’s had misled customers into believing that its food was healthy (though the suit was later partially reinstated). A number of American states have passed “common-sense consumption laws” aimed at deterring obesity cases in local courts. 那么，过去这几年食品公司的日子不太好过，而快餐业就更加糟糕。对食品业的抨击，已经带来了人们消费心理上的变化，或许也还将改变立法。迄今为止，基于健康安全的诉讼更多的是一种警醒，而没有对食品业形成真正的威胁。2003年，纽约一名法官驳回了一项诉讼，该诉讼声称麦当劳公司误导了消费者，让他们相信其食品是健康的（尽管该诉讼后来又受到部分复议）。美国一些州还通过了《消费常识法》，旨在让地方法庭拒绝受理肥胖诉讼案例。

Nevertheless, some lawyers still see a similarity between the position of food companies now and that of tobacco companies in the 1960s and 1970s, when private lawsuits paved the way for a co-ordinated attack on “big tobacco” by attorneys-general. Worries about rising obesity rates among children, and fear of subsequent legal actions, have caused companies to （9）scale back their marketing of fatty food and soft drinks to minors. 不过，有的律师仍然察觉到目前食品公司的处境与上世纪六、七十年代时的烟草公司有一定的相似之处。当时，众多个人诉讼为后来各州首席检察官针对“烟草业巨头”发动“协同攻击”铺平了道路。各家食品公司关注到儿童肥胖比例正日益增长，并担心被起诉，已经开始逐步缩减针对未成年人的高脂食品和软饮料的销售。

In several countries, government pronouncements and actions have added to the pressure on the industry. The British government’s push to introduce traffic-light labelling comes in the wake of a hard-hitting report from the House of Commons Health Select Committee, whose chairman said: “The devastating consequences of the epidemic of obesity are likely to have a profound impact over the next century.” In France, a law has been passed to impose a 1.5% tax on the advertising budgets of food companies if they do not encourage healthy eating. The industry may claim, with some justification, that ultimate responsibility for bad diet *rests with[4] the individual, and that the amount of exercise you do is just as important as the amount of food you eat. But as long as governments, lawyers and health campaigners continue to pile on the pressure, it will have to work hard to convince them it is (10)doing its bit to stop people piling on the pounds. 有几个国家政府已经发布有关声明并采取了一些举措，这让食品业感到压力倍增。英国国会下院健康特别委员会一份掷地有声的报告，迫使英国政府开始全力引入“红绿灯”标识方案。该委员会主席说：“肥胖症的流行所引发的破坏性后果很可能会对下个世纪产生深远影响。”法国也已通过一项法律，拟对不宣扬健康饮食的食品公司征收1.5%的广告预算税。食品业也许会略显理直气壮地申辩，不良饮食的根本责任应由消费者个人承担，每个人的运动量同进食多少同样重要。不过，只要政府、律师以及健康饮食倡议人士不停止施压，食品业就必须努力让他们确信，为了不让人们变得越来越胖，它正在尽自己的一份绵薄之力。

注释：
[1]engulf：席卷、吞没、吞噬 [2]and the like: 等等，诸如此类 [3]latch on to: 明白，了解。latch的本义为“抓住，占有，插上插销”。

[4]rest with: 在于，归属于，取决于 抛砖引玉：
（1） 本句中cried foul应该如何翻译合适？这句话笔者译为“大声疾呼食品公司此举纯属犯规”妥当否？难道这里cry foul就是比赛场上裁判“喊犯规叫停”？ （2） big-sellers中的seller是销售商还是销售商品？big是指大型的还是销路好的或者其它？ （3） light在这个句子里的意思不应该是“轻的”吧？我猜想应该是“原色的，基色的，浅色的”，您认为呢？ （4） builder是“建造者”还是“增洁剂”？比较专业，请指教。

（5） 我思来想去，也找不出比“这个数字本身就已经糟糕透顶”更好的译法了，或许还真有更好的？ （6） Come on, guys! 谁能把这句翻译更为贴切、更为通达呢？ （7） 越译越晕，我心里明白这个self-reporting的意思，可是到底怎么表达出来才准确呢？ （8） in image terms，啥意思？我就不抛砖了，免得砸着自己，呵呵！ （9） scale up按比例增加；
scale down按比例缩减，那么scale back呢？我想，应该跟scale down 差不多吧？ （10） do one’s bits 我在词典上没有查到相应的短语，不过“bit”一词本身是“少许”之意，我想译为“尽……绵薄之力”应当不坏，您看呢？ TEXT 4 A question of standards 一个关乎标准的问题 Feb 9th 2006 From The Economist Global Agenda More suggestions of bad behaviour by tobacco companies. Maybe 也许，烟草公司对那些不良行为应多提点建议 ANOTHER round has just been fought in the battle between tobacco companies and those who regard them as spawn of the devil. In a paper just published in the Lancet, with the provocative title “Secret science: tobacco industry research on smoking behaviour and cigarette toxicity”, David Hammond, of *Waterloo University[1] in Canada and Neil Collishaw and Cynthia Callard, two members of Physicians for a Smoke-Free Canada, a lobby group, criticise the behaviour of British American Tobacco (BAT). They say the firm considered manipulating some of its products in order to （1）make them low-tar in the eyes of officialdom while they actually delivered high tar and nicotine levels to smokers. 烟草公司与那些视其为“魔鬼之子”的人之间刚刚又进行了新一轮的交锋。新近出版的《柳叶刀》刊登了一篇题目颇具煽动性的论文《秘密科研——烟草业开展对吸烟行为和香烟毒性的研究》，作者是加拿大沃特鲁大学的戴维•哈蒙德以及加拿大一个名为“无烟加拿大医师”游说团的两名成员尼尔•科里肖和辛西娅•加拉德。他们对英美烟草公司的行为提出了批评，称该公司拟对某些烟草产品进行处理，企图让监督部门误以为其焦油含量低，而实际上这些产品仍会使得烟民吸收高浓度的焦油和尼古丁。

It was and is no secret, as BAT points out, that people smoke low-tar cigarettes differently from high-tar ones. The reason is that they want a decent dose of the nicotine which tobacco smoke contains. They therefore *pull[2] a larger volume of air through the cigarette when they *draw on[3] a low-tar rather than a high-tar variety. （2）The extra volume makes up for the lower concentration of the drug. 正如英美烟草公司所指出，人们吸低焦油含量香烟的感觉不同于高焦油含量香烟，这在过去和现在都不是什么秘密。这是因为他们需要烟草中含有适量尼古丁，抽低焦油品种的香烟时所吸入的空气含量也因此比抽高焦油品种的香烟时高，（译者注：也就是说，尼古丁含量过高，烟就很难吸，不容易抽得动。）而这高出来的空气含量也弥补了瘾性物质（尼古丁）的不足。

But a burning cigarette is a complex thing, and that extra volume has some unexpected consequences. In particular, a bigger draw is generally a faster draw. （3）That pulls a higher proportion of the air inhaled through the burning tobacco, rather than through the paper sides of the cigarette. This, in turn, means more smoke per unit volume, and thus more tar and nicotine. The nature of the nicotine may change, too, with more of it being in a form that is easy for the body to absorb. 不过，一支点燃的卷烟可是一个复杂的玩意儿，并且空气量增加也会带来意想不到的结果，特别是当我们大口吸烟时往往会很快抽完一支烟，此时所吸入的空气更多来自于燃烧的烟草而非卷烟纸侧。因而，这就意味着每多吸一口空气，就会多吸一口焦油和尼古丁。多数尼古丁都以一种易被人体吸收的形式存在，因此尼古丁的性质也可能发生改变。

According to Dr Hammond and his colleagues, a series of studies conducted by BAT's researchers between 1972 and 1994 quantified much of this. The standardised way of analysing cigarette smoke, as *laid down[4] by the International Organisation for Standardisation (ISO), which regulates everything from computer code to greenhouse gases, uses a machine to make 35-millilitre puffs, drawn for two seconds once a minute. The firm's researchers, by contrast, found that real smokers draw 50-70ml per puff, and do so twice a minute. （4）Dr Hammonds's conclusion is drawn from the huge body of documents disgorged by the tobacco industry as part of various legal settlements that have taken place in the past few years, mainly as a result of disputes with the authorities in the United States. 据哈蒙德医生及其同事们称，英美烟草公司的研究员已于1972年到1994年间通过一系列研究对上述大部分问题进行了定量检测。卷烟烟尘分析的标准方法，是由国际标准化组织（ISO，该组织可对包括计算机代码和温室气体在内的所有问题作出规定）制定的，此法利用一台机器喷发出35毫升的烟雾，受试者每分钟吸一次、每次持续2秒即可吸完。以此为对照，英美公司研究员发现，真正的烟民每分钟2次即可吸完50至70毫升烟雾。哈蒙德医生是从烟草业提供的大量文献中得出这一结论的。过去几年烟草业与美国当局一直僵持不下，遂签署了各类法律协议。作为其中的一项内容，烟草业被迫拱手交出这些文献。

Dr Hammond suggests, however, the firm went beyond merely investigating how people smoked. A series of internal documents from the late 1970s and early 1980s shows that BAT at least thought about applying this knowledge to cigarette design. A research report from 1979 puts it thus: “There are three major design features which can be used either individually or in combination to manipulate delivery levels; filtration, paper permeability, and filter-tip ventilation.” A conference paper from 1983 says, “The challenge would be to reduce the mainstream nicotine determined by standard smoking-machine measurement while increasing the amount that would actually be absorbed by the smoker”. Another conference paper, from 1984, says: “（5）We should strive to achieve this effect without appearing to have a cigarette that cheats the league table. Ideally it should appear to be no different from a normal cigarette...It should also be capable of delivering up to 100% more than its machine delivery.” 不过哈蒙德医生表示，英美公司所调查的不仅仅人们的吸烟方式。英美公司上世纪70年代末、80年代初的一系列内部文献表明，该公司至少曾考虑过将这一知识用于卷烟设计。1979年的一份研究报告上这样说道：“可分别或联合应用与设计有关的三个要素，即过滤、烟卷包装纸的通透性以及过滤嘴的通气效果，来控制焦油和尼古丁的释放水平。”1983年一份会议论文也提到，“关键在于，要在提高吸烟者尼古丁实际吸收量的同时，减少可被标准检测方法测定到的含量。”1984年另一份会议论文说：“我们应当努力达到这一效果并能在检测中蒙混过关。理想化的结果是，这种香烟看上去应与一般香烟无任何差异…… 并且释放的尼古丁及焦油量要比机器释放的高出100%。” None of the documents discovered by the three researchers shows that BAT actually did redesign its cigarettes in this way, and the firm denies that it did. However, BAT's own data show that some of its cigarettes delivered far more nicotine and tar to machines which had the characteristics of real smokers than to those which ran on ISO standards. In the most extreme example, in a test carried out in 1987, the “real smoking” machine drew 86% more nicotine and 114% more tar from Player's Extra Light than the ISO machine detected, although smoke intake was only 27% higher. 三名研究人员发现的文献中没有一篇表明英美公司确曾采用这种方法对其生产的卷烟进行了改良，而且该公司也矢口否认这么干过。英美公司内部资料显示，其生产的某些卷烟向机器（具有实际吸烟者特征）释放的尼古丁和焦油量远远超出ISO标准。最为极端的例子是，在1987年进行的一项实验中，“真吸烟”机器从Player's Extra Light牌卷烟中吸收的尼古丁和焦油量比ISO仪器实际检测到的量分别高出86%和114%，而烟雾摄入量仅高27%。

（6）Regardless of how this [b][color=#0000FF]*came about[5], the irony is that low-tar brands may have ended up causing more health problems than high-tar ones.[/color][/b] As one of BAT's medical consultants put it as early as 1978, “Perhaps the most important determinant of the risk to health or to a particular aspect of health is the extent to which smoke is inhaled by smokers. If so, then deeply inhaled smoke from low-tar-delivery cigarettes might be more harmful than uninhaled smoke from high-tar cigarettes.” The firm, meanwhile, points out that the ISO test has been regarded as unreliable since 1967, and says its scientists have been part of a panel that is working on a new ISO standard. 不管事实真相是怎样的，具有讽刺意味的是，低焦油卷烟竟然比高焦油卷烟可能更有损于健康。正如一名英美公司医学顾问1978年所言，“也许，吸烟者吸烟时的深浅度是危及健康或者健康某一特定方面的最重要决定性因素。若果真如此，从低焦油卷烟中深深吸入的烟对人的危害可能比高焦油卷烟中未被吸入的烟更大。”与此同时，英美公司指出，自1967年以来，ISO的试验一直都被认为是不可靠的。并且言称其公司的科学家们已加入某评估委员会，正在研究制定新的ISO标准。

注释：
[1]Waterloo：在比利时中部靠近布鲁塞尔的城镇，为拿破仑1815年6月18日遭到决定性失败的“滑铁卢”；
而在加拿大安达略省东南部和美国衣阿华州东北部各有一座城市，一般译名为“沃特鲁”，以示区分。

[2]pull: 深吸; 对烟或饮料大口的吸或喝 [3]draw on: 吸收 [4]lay down: 规定，制定 [5]come about: 发生 抛砖引玉——请对文中划线短句给出您的译法（对应序号）：
（1） make them low-tar in the eyes of officialdom （2） The extra volume makes up for the lower concentration of the drug. （3） That pulls a higher proportion of the air inhaled through the burning tobacco, rather than through the paper sides of the cigarette. （4） Dr Hammonds's conclusion is drawn from the huge body of documents disgorged by the tobacco industry as part of various legal settlements that have taken place in the past few years, mainly as a result of disputes with the authorities in the United States. （5） We should strive to achieve this effect without appearing to have a cigarette that cheats the league table. （6） Regardless of how this came about, the irony is that low-tar brands may have ended up causing more health problems than high-tar ones. TEXT 5 Stuff of dreams 梦想的精粹 Feb 16th 2006 | CORK AND LONDON From The Economist print edition （译者注：本文是关于画展的评论。） Two exhibitions show how a pair of 18th-century painters, James Barry and Henry Fuseli, inspired the modern visual ★romance with[1] the gothic 两个画展展示的是，两位18世纪画家——詹姆斯•巴里和亨利•富塞利——如何唤起了现代人从视觉上对哥特式艺术的憧憬。

THIS spring the bad boys of British art are ★making a comeback[2]. Not Damien Hirst and his friends, but the original ★enfants terribles[3]—★Henry Fuseli[4] (1741-1825) and James Barry (1741-1806)—who aimed, above all, to depict extremes of passion and terror in what they called the new art of the Sublime. 今春，英国艺术界的坏孩子再次粉墨登场了。我们说的不是达米恩•赫斯特和他的朋友们，而是亨利•富塞利（1741-1825）和詹姆斯•巴里（1741-1806），这两位“莽撞少年”的始作俑者，他们的首要目标就是要用所谓的“新派高尚艺术”去描绘极度激情与恐怖。

Barry and Fuseli are hardly household names; indeed since Victorian times they have been virtually ignored. But in the late 18th century, Fuseli, and for a short time Barry also, were prominent members of the young Royal Academy of Arts (RA) and influential professors of painting there. Barry's ★fall from grace[5] was the most dramatic, but there is much to admire in this irascible Irish artist who, like Fuseli, once taught William Blake. Barry's prolific historical paintings demonstrate his ambition to rival the painters of antiquity and the Renaissance and to practise what the then president of the RA, Sir Joshua Reynolds, always preached—that history painting was the noblest form of art. （1）But Barry found it hard to be bound by rules, and he turned history and myth into a series of ★tableaux[6] that were at once oddly expressionistic and deeply personal.巴里和富塞利这两个名字算不上家喻户晓，实际上自维多利亚时代以来，世人对他们已经不闻不问。不过，在18世纪晚期，富塞利曾经是早期皇家美术学院（RA）的杰出会员和颇具影响力的画师，巴里曾一度也是如此。巴里的失宠于众最富于戏剧性，但跟富塞利一样曾给威廉•布莱克传授过技艺的这位性情暴躁的爱尔兰艺术家，还是拥有许多让人敬佩的地方。他的众多历史性画作都表明，他热望与古代以及文艺复兴时期的画家相抗衡，始终信奉历史画乃是最为尊贵的艺术形式，而这恰恰也是皇家美术学院当时的院长约书亚•雷诺兹爵士所一直倡导的。但是历史画受制于过多约束让巴里感到难以接受，遂将史实与神话融为一体，并用一系列舞台造型加以表现，随即成为与主流格格不入的表现派，并打上了深深的个人主义烙印。

His melodramatic “King Lear Weeping over the Body of Cordelia” and his sexually charged “★Jupiter and Juno on Mount Ida[7]”, now both part of a retrospective of the artist's work in Cork, （2）proved too full of feeling for a British audience raised on portraits and landscape paintings. His only loyal patron was Edmund Burke, who had ★coined[8] a theory of the Sublime. 巴里的情景画《泪洒科蒂利亚亡体的李尔王》以及他那幅洋溢着性爱的《艾达峰上的朱庇特和朱诺》，现已成为科克城（爱尔兰南部港口城市）艺术家作品回顾展的一部分。这两幅画作表明英国观众对肖像画和风景画投注了极大的热情。埃德蒙•伯克是唯一自始至终资助巴里的人，正是他创立了“高尚艺术”理论。

Barry felt he was a persecuted soul, and he painted himself as various ill-fated characters, most bizarrely ★Philoctetes[9], the sailor whom Odysseus abandoned on the island of Lemnos because he smelled so bad. As if that weren't enough, Barry also incited his RA students to revolt and then allegedly accused Reynolds of financial impropriety. When he became too unbearable, Barry became the first artist to be expelled by the academy. 巴里认为自己的灵魂受到了戕害，便将自己画成形形色色充满晦气的人物，其中最为怪异的是菲罗克忒忒斯，那位由于臭气熏天而被奥德修斯抛弃在利姆诺斯岛上的水手。似乎这还不够，巴里还鼓动他在皇家美术学院的学生造反，而且据说后来甚至指控雷诺兹在财政上存在违法问题。巴里变得越来越让人忍无可忍，于是成了第一个被学院开除的艺术家。

Barry knew Fuseli, and （3）he makes a minor appearance in “Gothic Nightmares: Fuseli, Blake and the Romantic Imagination”, the ★brainchild[10] of an engaging British ★polymath[11], Sir Christopher Frayling, who heads the Arts Council of England and the Royal College of Art. Sir Christopher has long been fascinated by the horror ★genre[12]—he once presented a popular television programme on the topic—and his favourite painting is Fuseli's “The Nightmare” (pictured above), an unsettling image of a sleeping maiden, with an ★incubus[13] ★perched[14] on her stomach and a ★ghoulish[15] horse peering through a curtain. 巴里认识富塞利，作为特邀嘉宾参加了《哥特式梦魇——富塞利、布莱克和浪漫主义幻想》画展。那次画展是由英格兰艺术理事会和皇家艺术学院主席、富于号召力的英国人克里斯托弗•弗雷林爵士策划的。克里斯托弗爵士长期以来痴迷恐怖艺术——曾以此为主题推出一档颇受欢迎的电视节目——他最钟爱的画作是富塞利的《梦魇》（上图），画中描绘的是一位熟睡的女人，腹部上栖息着一个梦淫恶鬼，而布帘后面一匹长得像食尸鬼一般的马正探头窥视，整幅画看了让人感到心神不宁。

Sir Christopher sees this painting, together with Fuseli's scenes from Milton and Shakespeare, as part of a search for national myths in the late 18th century. （4）Indeed, his interpretation illuminates an Enlightenment world that hovered between reason and ★bigotry[16], and where a quasi-scientific interest in the ★occult[17] and the emerging genre of the novel fed a public that was hungry for “tales of wonder”. 克里斯托弗爵士认为，富塞利的这幅画以及取材于密尔顿和莎士比亚作品的那些画作，乃是探寻18世纪民族神话的一部分。事实上，他的这一评注为纠缠在理智与偏见之间的“教化世界”带来了曙光。在这样一个“教化世界”中，对玄妙之事的半带科学性的热诚和涌现出的相关小说流派，让大众对“惊愕故事”的渴求得到了极大满足。

Unlike Barry, Fuseli—a former preacher who was forced to leave his native Zurich—looked rationally at the London art scene. He saw that（5）the only way to compete for “wall power” at the all-important annual exhibition of the RA was to carve out his own niche, the more eye-catching and ★esoteric[18] the better. In 1782 Fuseli exhibited “The Nightmare” for the first time, drawing record crowds of up to 3,000 people a day. Perplexed critics asked what the painting was about. In an age when art was supposed to depict an actual person or event, （6）it came as a shock that this was a painting not of a nightmare, but of the nightmare as a generalized experience. 当过传教士后来被迫离开祖国瑞士的富塞利跟巴里不一样，他较为理智地看待伦敦艺术境况。他发现，要想在至关重要的皇家美术学院年度画展上争取到“支持力量”，只有标新立异，越引人注目、越生涩越好。1782年，富塞利首次展出《梦魇》一作，每天观摩者创纪录地达到3000人。批评家们对画中所要表现的主题感到百思不得其解。在一个艺术被认为应该是描写真人真事的年代，这幅画的诞生让世人感到震惊：它并不单单是对一般恶梦的简单描绘，而是对恶梦体验的一次真实再现。

Interestingly, it was not until 1793 that anyone suggested publicly that the painting of a scantily ★clad[19] woman stretched out on a bed might be about sex. In a post-Freud world, it is impossible to look at “The Nightmare” and see anything else.（7） There is a soft-porn ★perversity[20] about many of Fuseli's muscular super-heroes and ★nubile[21] ★nymphs[22], particularly his Titania from “A Midsummer Night's Dream”. The ★erotic[23] drawings and prints by him and his pupil Theodor von Holst are so explicit that the Tate has hung a veil between them and Fuseli's popular fairy paintings nearby, which are a favourite with children. 有意思的是，直到1793年才有人公开指出，这幅画上的女人几乎一丝不挂地躺在床上，因此可能与性有关。在后弗洛伊德时代，盯着《梦魇》而又不想入非非是不可能的。富塞利画中肌肉结实的超级英雄和含苞欲放的美丽少女，尤其是取材于《仲夏夜之梦》的泰坦尼亚，模糊的色情描绘让人多少有些心慌意乱。由于富塞利及其学生霍尔斯特的素描和版画色情描绘过于直接，泰特美术馆就悬挂起一块幕布，将在这些画与近旁富塞利那些迎合大众的、尤其是孩子们最爱看的仙女画隔开。

Unsurprisingly, Fuseli's work was ★vilified[24] by the Victorians, and he came back into favour only when the Surrealists—（8）★enthralled[25] by his weird mix of deviance, death and dreams—claimed him as a hero. Today, the artist who bred his own moths in order to depict them accurately in his fairy paintings hangs in the same gallery as those other attention-seekers, Mr Hirst and Tracey Emin; it is almost as if he were their long-lost ancestor. 富塞利的作品遭到了维多利亚女王时代艺术家们的非难，这是意料之中的事。直到超现实主义者――集反社会、死亡、幻想等诡异元素于一身的富塞利令他们着迷――称之为英雄的时候，他这才重新受宠。如今，这位为了准确描绘仙女画中的飞蛾而亲自养殖的艺术家，同其他那些万众瞩目的人如赫斯特、特雷西•艾明一样，也进入了美术陈列室，看上去就像是这些人的鼻祖。

While Fuseli's rehabilitation is admirable, the Tate's obsession with inclusiveness dilutes Sir Christopher's ideas. （9）Viewers are overloaded with ★mawkish[26] pictures that the curators call “Gothic gloomth”, borrowing a phrase from Horace Walpole. Instead of rising to Sir Christopher's wide-ranging themes, which link Fuseli and Blake with other great European painters, including Goya and Caspar David Friedrich, the Tate has taken a ★parochial[27] view, showing virtually every mediocre British artist who ever ★dabbled[28] in gothic fantasy. Thankfully James Gillray is also there, and his ★biting[29] caricatures lift the spirits. 虽然富塞利的重振旗鼓令人肃然起敬，但坚持包罗万象的泰特美术馆还是弱化了克里斯托弗的观念。众多索然无味的绘画充斥着观众的视野，美术馆长们引用贺瑞斯•沃波尔的一条成语，把这些画称作“哥特式晦暗”。克里斯托弗爵士崇尚的主题广泛，将富塞利、布莱克同包括戈亚、卡斯帕•戴维•弗雷德里希在内的欧洲其他杰出画家有机结合在一起，但泰特美术馆却反其道而行之，几乎展出了所有和哥特式幻想沾点边、不入流的英国艺术家的作品，其眼界之狭窄可见一斑。令人欣慰的是，这里面也包括了詹姆斯•基尔雷，他的讽刺画发人深省，令人精神振奋。

The last room is one of the best.（10） Here Sir Christopher has added his cross-cultural ★hallmark[30]: a series of horror film clips that invoke Fuseli's “The Nightmare” as the ultimate shock-horror icon. And at the exit, Angela Carter's words, “We live in gothic times”, are emblazoned on the wall. The spirit of Barry and Fuseli lives on. 最后一间是最好的展室之一，克里斯托弗爵士的“跨文化”印记在此得以展现，那就是一系列以富塞利《梦魇》为最终惊悚形象的恐怖电影短片。并且，在展室出口处的墙上，安吉拉•卡特的名言“我们生活在哥特式时代”也赫然在目。巴里和富塞利的精神常驻人间。

★★★注释★★★ [1]romance with：对……的迷恋、向往 如：a childhood romance with the sea 儿时对大海的浪漫向往（憧憬） [2]make a comeback: 恢复、复原（指名誉、地位、知名度、流行性） 如：The film star made an unexpected comeback. 这位电影明星出人意料地复出了。

according to 按照；
根据……所说[3]enfant terrible：莽汉（因其令人惊愕的不合传统的行为、工作或思想而使他人困窘或惊慌的人）；
复数形式为enfants terribles 如：The radical painter was the enfant terrible of the art establishment.激进派画家是艺术当权派的可怕莽汉 [4]亨利•富塞利，生于瑞士的英国画家，作品包括恶梦 （1781年），风格怪诞恐怖，对20世纪二三十年代的超现实主义者有一定影响 [5]fall from grace: 失去天恩，堕落（名誉、地位的贬低） [6]tableaux: 舞台造型,(由活人扮演的)静态画面、场面 [7]Jubiter：朱庇特（古罗马的保护神）；
另：木星 Juno：：罗马万神庙里最主要的女神，朱庇特的妻子亦是其姐姐，主司婚姻和妇女的安康；

Mount Ida：艾达峰，克里特岛中部一山峰，海拔2,457.7m(8,058英尺）。它是该岛的最高点，在古代它与人们对宙斯的崇拜有密切的相关。

[8]coin：设计，杜撰（新词语） 如：Do not coin terms that are intelligible to nobody.不要生造谁也不懂的词语。

[9]Philoctetes：菲罗克忒忒斯，希腊神话中人物，在特洛伊战争中用其父大力神Hercules所遗之弓和毒箭杀死特洛伊王子Paris的英雄 [10]brainchild：指计划,想法,创作等脑力劳动的创造物 [11]polymath：学识渊博的人 [12]genre：类型，流派（文艺作品） [13]incubus：阴库巴斯恶鬼，梦淫妖（据说会趁女人熟睡压而在女人身上并与其交配的恶鬼）；
梦魇；
沉重负担 [14]perch：v. 栖息，栖止 如：Birds perched on the branch.鸟停在树枝上。

[15]ghoulish：adj.食尸鬼似的，残忍的 ghoul：n.食尸鬼；
盗尸者 [16]bigotry：n.固执，顽固，偏见 [17]occult：n.神秘学，神秘之事，玄妙之事 [18]esoteric：adj.深奥的，秘传的，不公开披露的 如：Some words are really too esoteric for this dictionary. 有些单词实在太生僻了,未收入本词典内。

[19]clad：穿衣的，覆盖着的 如：The woods on the mountain sides were clad in mist.高山坡上的小树林都笼罩在一片薄雾中。

[20]perversity：n.反常；
刚愎，任性；
错乱 [21]nubile：adj.适于结婚的，到结婚年龄的；
性成熟的 [22]nymph：n.美少女；
居于山林水泽的仙女；
罗马神话中宁芙女神 [23]erotic：adj.性欲的，好色的，色情的 [24]vilify：v.污蔑；
诋毁；
诽谤；
辱骂 [25]enthrall：v.迷住，着迷 如：The boy was enthralled by the stories of adventure.这孩子被冒险故事迷住了。

[26]mawkish：adj.自作多情的，多愁善感的；
令人作呕的，令人厌恶的 [27]parochial：adj.教区的；
眼界狭窄的，地方性的 [28]dabble：v.涉水，涉足 dabble in：涉猎，涉足；
不经意做…… 如：She just dabbles in chemistry.她只不过是随便搞一下化学。

[29]biting：adj.尖锐的，尖刻的；
刺痛的 如：His remark has a biting edge to it.他的评语非常尖锐。

[30]hallmark：n.标记；
特点 如：The sense of guilt is the hallmark of civilized humanity.犯罪感是文明人显而易见的特征。

[31]emblazon：v.用纹章装饰，醒目装饰；
颂扬 ★★★砖已抛，玉何在？★★★（见文中划线部分） （1） But Barry found it hard to be bound by rules, and he turned history and myth into a series of tableaux that were at once oddly expressionistic and deeply personal. （2） proved too full of feeling for a British audience raised on portraits and landscape paintings. （3） he makes a minor appearance in “Gothic Nightmares: Fuseli, Blake and the Romantic Imagination” （4） Indeed, his interpretation illuminates an Enlightenment world that hovered between reason and bigotry, and where a quasi-scientific interest in the occult and the emerging genre of the novel fed a public that was hungry for “tales of wonder”. （5） the only way to compete for “wall power” at the all-important annual exhibition of the RA was to carve out his own niche, the more eye-catching and esoteric the better. （6） it came as a shock that this was a painting not of a nightmare, but of the nightmare as a generalized experience. （7） There is a soft-porn perversity about many of Fuseli's muscular super-heroes and nubile nymphs, particularly his Titania from “A Midsummer Night's Dream”. （8） enthralled by his weird mix of deviance, death and dreams （9） Viewers are overloaded with mawkish pictures that the curators call “Gothic gloomth”, borrowing a phrase from Horace Walpole. （10） Here Sir Christopher has added his cross-cultural hallmark: a series of horror film clips that invoke Fuseli's “The Nightmare” as the ultimate shock-horror icon.

相关热词搜索：